The Western media depict him as a Chavista and the latest South American leader to join the ‘Bolivarian revolution’, yet he describes himself as a ‘Catholic humanist’. He has been criticized both for populism and for using the overly complex language of an academic. So, who is Rafael Correa and what does he really stand for?

 Representing his newly-formed Alianza PAIS, Correa won the November run-off elections in Ecuador with a surprise landslide victory, gaining 58% of the vote. His campaign promises included a new more democratic constitution (to be written by a Constituent Assembly), cutting ties with the IMF and World Bank, restructuring Ecuador's $11 billion foreign debt,  renegotiating oil contracts and increased spending on social welfare. In the end, though, it was not his well-argued speeches on these issues that won him the election; after losing the first round to banana tycoon Alvaro Noboa, he adopted more populist tactics and began talking about jobs, housing and the price of cooking gas.

Since taking office, however, Correa has returned with full force to his original agenda, beginning with a decree for a referendum on the establishment of a Constituent Assembly. The move has created a tense and confrontational beginning to his presidency; he faces strong opposition from Congress, who believe that their power to govern is as legitimate as his (and have also dismissed three presidents in the past decade). However, Correa appears unfazed and, in what may be a taste of things to come, he has encouraged people to intimidate Congress through ‘presion ciudadana’. This ability to mobilize the public may be an effective way to intimidate opponents, although manipulating this popular force could prove a dangerous game.  

Given Correa’s willingness to challenge domestic elites and foreign power, it is not surprising that many have placed him in the same radical camp as Chavez and Morales. In fact, this is an image he has partly cultivated, declaring Chavez to be a ‘personal friend’ and announcing his membership of the Bolivarian revolution. Yet, Correa’s background as a foreign-educated Economics professor sets him far apart from other leftist leaders in the region, who have tended to come from either military or trade unionist backgrounds. Correa studied Economics in Guayaquil (his home town), Belgium and the US (click here to view full CV). He entered politics as Finance Minister under Alfredo Palacio’s government, where his forced resignation over the cancellation of World Bank loan gained won him credibility.

 Both Correa’s academic career and his religious faith (he is an observant Roman Catholic) have clearly had a formative influence on his political thinking, as has his marriage to a Belgian with strong links to the CDH (Humanist Democratic Centre) Party in Belgium. He describes himself as a ‘Catholic humanist, a socialist’ and emphasizes that he is ‘not from the Marxist left, but rather a Christian left’. Despite a tendency in the Western media to compare him to Chavez or Morales, such analogies are at best superficial. In fact, as other recent ODI blogs have shown, the idea that there is any homogenous and united ‘leftist movement’ in Latin America is also challenged by a closer analysis of other radical leaders (see recent ODI blogs on Chavez and Morales)

 Furthermore, although Correa seems willing to tackle the political establishment head on, there are signs that a more pragmatic approach may be used in his dealings with the outside world. He has already shown a willingness to cooperate with the US and the Colombian government on the capture of Colombian guerillas in Ecuador and his expertise as an economist makes it unlikely that he will make any rash decisions regarding the economy. Despite his anti-neoliberal rhetoric and promise to ‘punish’ foreign investors, he is in a very different situation to Chavez and it seems likely that less confrontation and more negotiation may be called for.